All castes sub castes are primarily divided into 4 categories: There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania division—the type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions—-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. A great deal of discussion of the role of the king in the caste system, based mainly on Indological literature, does not take these facts into account and therefore tends to be unrealistic. But the hypergamous tendency was so powerful that each such endogamous unit could not be perfectly endogamous even at the height of its integration. There was considerable elaboration in urban areas of what Ghurye long ago called the community aspect of caste (1932: 179) and frequently, this led to juxtaposition rather than hierarchy between caste divisions of the same order. There was a continuous process of formation and disintegration of such units. This information is for educational purposes only and not a substitute for professional health services. The sub- the manner in which the ideas of free marriages and castles society are used by both the old and the young in modern India and how a number of new customs and institutions have evolved to cope with these new ideas is a fascinating subject of study. When the rural population began to be drawn towards the new opportunities, the first to take advantage of them were the rural sections of the rural-cum-urban castes. The surname thus is an occupational one and refers to someone who comes from a family of masons or artisans. Do tell us about them in the comments section below. I describe here three prominent units of the latter type, namely, Anavil, Leva Kanbi, and Khedawal Brahman. The primarily rural and lower castes were the last to form associations and that too mainly after independence (1947). The community is composed of several sub-castes including the Agarwal Banias, Oswal Banias, Porwal Banias and Wani Banias, among others. All rights reserved. Let me illustrate briefly. Bougie’s ‘repulsion’) rather than on hierarchy was a feature of caste in certain contexts and situations in traditional India, and increasing emphasis on division in urban Indian in modern times is an accentuation of what existed in the past. One important first-order division, namely, Rajput, does not seem to have had any second-order division at all. Similarly, the Khedawal Brahmans were divided into Baj and Bhitra, the Nagar Brahmans into Grihastha and Bhikshuk, the Anavils into Desai and Bhathela, and the Kanbis into Kanbi and Patidar. The Rajputs, in association with Kolis, Bhils, and such other castes and tribes, provide an extreme example of such castes. Indeed, a major achievement of Indian sociology during the last thirty years or so has been deeper understanding of caste in the village context in particular and of its hierarchical dimension in general. The census operations, in particular, spread as they were over large areas, gave a great impetus to writings on what Srinivas has called the horizontal dimension of caste (1952: 31f;1966: 9,44,92,98-100,114-17). While some of the divisions of a lower order might be the result of fission, some others might be a result of fusion. Sometimes a division corresponding to a division among Brahmans and Vanias was found in a third first-order division also. For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). More common was an ekda or tad having its population residing either in a few neighbouring villages, or in a few neighbouring towns, or in both. Many of them became the norm-setting elite for Gujaratis in the homeland. Desai is a frequently used Gujarati surname composed of the Sanskrit words ‘desa’ meaning country, and ‘swami’ meaning master or lord. The surname refers to those who came from a family of ‘Purohits.’. The most important example of primarily political caste association is the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. Patel comes from the word ‘Patlikh,’ which was a title given by the king to someone who worked as a record keeper of crops and taxes from a piece of land. Once the claim was accepted at either level, hypergamous marriage was possible. The above brief analysis of change in caste in modern Gujarat has, I hope, indicated that an overall view of changes in caste in modern India should include a careful study of changes in rural as well as in urban areas in relation to their past. Kanyakubja, Suryupari and Gaur Brahmins are examples of castes, and Shrimali, Purohit and Pushkarna Brahmins are examples of sub-castes, while Bhardwaj, Gautam and Kashyap Brahmins are examples of gotras. The boundaries of caste division were fairly clear in the village community. What may be called the census approach influenced a great deal of scholarly work. When divisions are found within a jati, the word sub-jati or sub-caste is used. The emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower was even more marked in the relationship among the forty or so second-order divisions. Daruwala is a composite of the Gujarati words ‘daru,’ meaning alcohol, and ‘wala,’ which means seller or maker. Moreover, some leading Anavils did not wish to be bothered about Brahman status, saying that they were just Anavil. First, since the tads were formed relatively recently, it is easier to get information about their formation than about the formation of ekdas. The Kolis in such an area may not even be concerned about a second-order divisional name and may be known simply as Kolis. Most of the second-order divisions were further divided into third-order divisions. Simultaneously, there is gradual decline in the strength of the principle of hierarchy, particularly of ritual hierarchy expressed in purity and pollution. The migrants, many of whom came from heterogeneous urban centres of Gujarat, became part of an even more heterogeneous environment in Bombay. Do you know of any more Gujarati surnames? The marital alliances of the royal families forming part of the Maratha confederacy, and of the royal families of Mysore in south India and of Kashmir and Nepal in the north with the royal families of Gujarat and Rajasthan show, among other things, how there was room for flexibility and how the rule of caste endogamy could be violated in an acceptable manner at the highest level. Their origin myth enshrined in their caste purana also showed them to be originally non-Brahman. Many last names in India indicate the place the person originally belongs to. The number of tads in an ekda or go I might be two or more, and each of them might be an endogamous units. This was unlike the situation among the Rajput’s who did not make any attempt to form small endogamous units. Castes which did not sit together at public feasts, let alone at meals in homes, only 15 or 20 years ago, now freely sit together even at meals in homes. In some parts of Gujarat they formed 30 to 35 per cent of the population. As Ghurye pointed out long ago, slow consolidation of the smaller castes into larger ones “would lead to three or four large groups being solidly organized for pushing the interests of each even at the cost of the others. These and many other artisans, craftsmen and servants reflected the special life-style of the town. For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. What is really required for a comprehensive understanding is a comparison of traditional with modern caste in both rural and urban areas (including, to be sure, the rural-urban linkages). When Mr. H. Borradaile in A.D. 1827 collected information regarding the customs of Hindus, no less than 207 castes which did not intermarry, were found in the city of Surat alone”. A comment on the sociology of urban India would, therefore, be in order before we go ahead with the discussion of caste divisions. Thus, the result was the spread of the population of a caste division towards its fringes. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. Far too many studies of changes in caste in modern India start with a general model of caste in traditional India which is in fact a model of caste in traditional rural India. The institutions of both bride and bridegroom price (the latter also called dowry) were rampant in castes with continuous internal hierarchy—dowry mainly at the upper levels, bride price mainly at the lower levels, and both dowry and bride price among status-seeking middle level families. Literally, ekda meant ‘unit’, and gol ‘circle’, and both signified an endogamous unit. The Hindu population of Gujarat was divided first of all into what I have called “caste divisions of the first order”. The primarily urban castes and the urban sections of the rural-cum- urban castes were the first to take advantage of the new opportunities that developed in industry, commerce, administration, the professions and education in urban centres. That Rajput’s were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. In the city, on the other hand, the population was divided into a large number of castes and each of most of them had a large population, frequently subdivided up to the third or the fourth order. The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrity—in the pre- industrial time of slow communication—by a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealogists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). Then there were a number of urban divisions of specialized artisans, craftsmen and servants, as for example, Sonis (gold and silver smiths), Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Bhavsars (weavers, dyers and printers), Malis (florists), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Kachhias (vegetable sellers), Darjis (tailors), Dabgars (makers of drums, saddles and such other goods involving leather), Ghanchis (oil pressers), Golas ferain and spice pounders and domestic servants), Dhobis (washermen), Chudgars (banglemakers), and Tambolis (sellers of area nuts, betel leaves, etc.). The Rajput’s’ relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. 08 Jan. rajput caste list in gujarat. Gujarati surnames often trace their roots to native Gujarati words or words from Sanskrit. Chowdhury in Sanskrit refers to ‘holder of four,’ where four probably indicated the measure of land granted by the king. In the village strict prohibition of inter-division marriage as well as the rules of purity and pollution and other mechanisms, of which the students of Indian village communities are well aware since the 1950s, maintained the boundaries of these divisions. Frequently, social divisions were neatly expressed in street names. The point is that there was nothing like the endogamous unit but there were only several units of various orders with defined roles in endogamy. Purohit means a ‘family priest’ or a priest who always stays at the forefront of a pooja (a prayer ritual). Adhia caste definition is (Half.) I would suggest that this feature of urban caste, along with the well known general tendency of urban culture to encourage innovation, provided the ground—however diffuse that ground might have been—for a favourable response to the anti-hierarchical ideas coming from the West. The Hindu and Muslim kingdoms in Gujarat during the medieval period had, of course, their capital towns, at first Patan and then Ahmedabad. to which the divisions of the marrying couple belong. : 11-15, 57-75). In the past the dispersal over a wide area of population of an ekda or tad was uncommon; only modern communications have made residential dispersal as well as functional integration possible. In 1931, their total population was more than 1,700,000, nearly one-fourth of the total population of Gujarat. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-order and fourth-order divisions. The point is that the Rajput hierarchy, with the princely families at the top, merged at the lower level imperceptibly into the vast sea of tribal and semi-tribal people like Bhils and Kolis. Nor were ekdas and tads entirely an urban phenomenon. The two together formed a single complex of continental dimension. Division and hierarchy have always been stressed as the two basic principles of the caste system. However, on the basis of the meagre information I have, I am able to make a few points. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its urban form or variant. Many primarily rural castes, such as Kolis—the largest caste—have remained predominantly rural even today. At one end there were castes in which the principle of hierarchy had free play and the role of the principle of division was limited. In 1931, the Rajput’s of all strata in Gujarat had together a population of about 35,000 forming nearly 5 per cent of the total population of Gujarat. I should hasten to add, however, that the open-minded scholar that he is, he does not rule out completely the possibility of separation existing as independent principle. A large number of priestly, artisan and service castes also lived in both villages and towns: Bramhans, barbers, carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, leather-workers, scavenges, water-carriers, palanquin-bearers, and so on. They were found in almost every village in plains Gujarat and in many villages in Saurashtra and Kachchh. Before publishing your articles on this site, please read the following pages: 1. Castes pervaded by divisive tendencies had small populations confined to small areas separated from each other by considerable gaps. Some of the other such divisions were Kathi, Dubla, Rabari, Bharwad, Mer (see Trivedi 1961), Vaghri, Machhi, Senwa, Vanzara, and Kharwa. But during the 18th century, when the Mughal Empire was disintegrating, a large number of small kingdoms came into existence, and each had a small capital town of its own. The Khadayatas were divided into about 30 ekdas. The Kolis seem to have had only two divisions in every part of Gujarat: for example, Talapada (indigenous) and Pardeshi (foreign) in central Gujarat and Palia and Baria in eastern Gujarat (significantly, one considered indigenous and the other outsider). Many second-order divisions were further divided into two or three status categories. How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. I hope to show in this paper how the principle of division is also a primary principle competing with the principle of hierarchy and having important implications for Indian society and culture. If Gujarati surnames fascinate you, then read on as MomJunction brings you a list of 50 most common and popular Gujarati surnames with their interesting meanings. Within each of these divisions, small endogamous units (ekdas, gols, bandhos) were organized from time to time to get relief from the difficulties inherent in hypergamy. Modi has an occupational origin, and refers to those who came from the community of ‘Bania,’ which originally consisted of merchants, traders, money-lenders, and shopkeepers. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of a lower order within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. They were involved in agriculture in one way or another. They also continued to have marital relations with their own folk. The surname comes from the Hindustani word ‘Munim’ that refers to the head accountant at a shop, factory, or any other business establishment. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. ST, SC, OBC Caste List in Gujarat in Hindi - पिछड़ी और अनुसूचित जनजाति की सूची हेलो दोस्तो! It is possible that there were a few divisions each confined to just one large city and, therefore, not having the horizontal dimension at all. A few examples are: Brahman (priest), Vania (trader), Rajput (warrior and ruler), Kanbi (peasant), Koli (peasant), Kathi (peasant), Soni goldsmith), Suthar (carpenter), Valand (barber), Chamar (leatherworker), Dhed (weaver) and Bhangi (scavenger). For example, among the Khadayata Vanias there are all-Khadayata associations as well as associations for the various ekdas and sometimes even for their tads (see Shah, Ragini 1978). Leva Sheri and Kadva Sheri, named after the two major second-order divisions among the Kanbis. As regards the rest of Gujarat, I have used various sources: my work on the caste of genealogists and mythography’s and on the early 19th century village records; the available ethnographic, historical and other literature; and observations made while living m Gujarat. Gujarati Surname (or family name) Goradia has Indian origin, most common language spoken by them is Gujarati , they are originated and/or found widely in Gujarat state Similar sounding surnames: Goradia , … However, a sub-caste is a sub-division of a caste. Both have similar attributes. But there were also others who did not wield any power. The same problems would arise in the reverse direction if, as many scholars have done, the term ‘caste cluster’, ‘caste complex’ or ‘caste category’ is used for divisions of a higher order and the term ‘caste’ or ‘jati’ is used for divisions of a lower order. Village studies, as far as caste is a part of them, have been, there fore, concerned with the interrelations between sections of various castes in the local context. Marriages were usually confined to neighbouring villages, so that marriage links were spread in a continuous manner from one end of the region to another. Ideally, castes as horizontal units should he discussed with the help of population figures. Nevertheless, a breakdown of the population of Gujarat into major religious, caste and tribal groups according to the census of 1931 is presented in the following table to give a rough idea of the size of at least some castes. For example, a good number of villages in central Gujarat used to have both Talapada and Pardeshi Kolis and Brahmans belonging to two or three of their many second-order divisions. Usually, these divisions were distinguished from one another by prohibition of what people called roti vyavahar (bread, i.e., food transactions) as well as beti vyavahar (daughter, i.e., marital transactions). The surname originates from ‘dvivedi,’ a Sanskrit word referring to one who has studied and mastered two Vedas. In the plains, therefore, every village had one or more towns in its vicinity. Patel's were prominent farmers in northern Gujarat and a sub-caste of Patidars meaning landowners or agriculturist. The small ekda or tad with its entire population residing in a single town was, of course, not a widespread phenomenon. The degree of contravention is less if the couple belong, let us say, to two different fourth-order divisions within a third-order division than if they belong to two different third-order divisions within a second-order division, and so on. The surname thus has an occupational origin. Although the number of inter-ekda marriages has been increasing, even now the majority of marriages take place within an ekda. Frequently, the shift from emphasis on co-operation and hierarchy in the caste system to emphasis on division (or difference or separation) is described as shift from whole to parts, from system to elements, from structure to substance. The two former ekdas continued to exist with diminished strength. What does Gajjar mean? Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. The existence of ekdas or gols, however, does not mean that the divisiveness of caste ended there or that the ekdas and gols were always the definitive units of endogamy. In other words, it did not involve a big jump from one place to another distant place. Those days, though a “Shah”, I had still not become fully caste conscious. This tendency reaches its culmination in the world of Dumont. Unfortunately, although the Kolis are an important element in Gujarat’s population, their earlier ethnography is confusing, and there is hardly any modern, systematic, anthropological, sociological or historical study, so that the confusion continues to persist. The small town sections therefore separated themselves from the respective large town sections and formed a new ekda. The village was a small community divided into a relatively small number of castes; the population of each caste was also small, sometimes only one or two households, with little possibility of existence of subdivisions; and there were intensive relationships of various kinds between the castes. This meant that he could marry a girl of any subdivision within the Vania division. There was apparently a close relation between a caste’s internal organization and the size and spatial distribution of its population. Jain funeral customs tend to follow the Hindu pattern, while Muslims bury their dead. As could be expected, there were marriages between fairly close kin, resulting in many overlapping relationships, in such an endogamous unit. The highland Bhils seem to have provided brides to lower Rajput’s on the other side of the highlands also, i.e., to those in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (see, for example, Doshi, 1971: 7f., 13-15; Aurora 1972: 16, 32f.). Plagiarism Prevention 4. All of this information supports the point emerging from the above analysis, that frequently there was relatively little concern for ritual status between the second-order divisions within a first- order division than there was between the first-order divisions. The exact meaning of the surname is unknown. If the first-order divisions are called jatis and castes, the second-order divisions would be called sub-jatis or sub-castes. In Gujarat, the surname likely referred to those who worked as an assayer of gold, silver, and other precious items. The surname is the second most common in India, following Singh. To give just one example, one large street in Baroda, of immigrant Kanbis from the Ahmedabad area, named Ahmedabadi Pol, was divided into two small parallel streets. However, it is assumed that ‘Rubberwala’ probably has an occupational origin, and referred to individuals who sold or produced rubber. And how flexibility was normal at the lowest level has just been shown. Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. …Further, during this lengthy process of slow amalgamation those who will marry in defiance of the barriers of sub-caste, will still be imbued with caste mentality” (1932: 184). Content Filtrations 6. It comes from the Sanskrit word “Saamant,” meaning “captain” or “chief.” The name may have been originally used a title for a leader or head of a province. The lowest stratum among the Khedawals tried to cope with the problem of scarcity of brides mainly by practising ignominious ‘exchange marriage’ and by restricting marriage of sons in a family to the younger sons, if not to only the youngest. Nor do I claim to know the whole of Gujarat. It reflects, on the one hand, the political aspirations of Kolis guided by the importance of their numerical strength in electoral politics and on the other hand, the Rajputs’ attempt to regain power after the loss of their princely states and estates. Leva Kanbis, numbering 400,000 to 500,000 m 1931, were the traditional agricultural caste of central Gujarat. The incidence of exchange marriages and of bachelors in the lowest stratum among the Anavils also was high. I have not yet come across an area where Kolis from three or more different areas live together, excepting modern, large towns and cities. Usually, the affairs of the caste were discussed in large congregations of some fifty to hundred or even more villages from time to time. However, the design is independent of the caste/sub-caste of the bride or groom, unlike the mangalsutras of Tamilnadu that you will get to know about later in this post. The surname may have been associated with those who loved parrots or someone who took care of parrots or birds, in general. If the Patels are divided according to 'marriage circle', the Baniyas and Brahmins of Gujarat are divided into sub-castes and sub-sub castes. Thus, Rawal/Raval refers to those who originally came from a family of commanders or kings. Sub-caste means jaat, each Varna is divided into multiple Jaats which is based on their ancestors’ professions, like: Brahmins are divided into multiple jaats namely: 1.Raajpurohit/Kulin Brahmana/Raajguru: Class of clergies; their service was initially only for royalties and aristocrats. Frequently, each such unit had a patron deity, housed in a large shrine, with elaborate arrangements for its ownership. Acharya. The surname Chowdhury is likely a title of honor bestowed by a king to a warrior or a nobleman. The primarily urban castes linked one town with another; the primarily rural linked one village with another; and the rural-cum-urban linked towns with villages in addition to linking both among themselves. To whichever of the four orders a caste division belonged, its horizontal spread rarely, if ever, coincided with that of another. If the first-order divisions are called jatis and castes, the second-order divisions would be called sub-jatis or sub-castes. It is fascinating that these surnames have continued to exist for several centuries, and we get to hear them even today. Each unit was ranked in relation to others, and many members of the lower units married their daughters into the higher units, so that almost every unit became loose in the course of time. One of the clearly visible changes in caste in Gujarat is the increasing number of inter-divisional or so-called inter-caste marriages, particularly in urban areas, in contravention of the rule of caste endogamy.