The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrity—in the pre- industrial time of slow communication—by a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealogists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). How To Burp A Baby: Why And When To Do It? Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. While the Rajputs, Leva Patidars, Anavils and Khedawals have been notorious for high dowries, and the Kolis have been looked down upon for their practice of bride price, the Vanias have been paying neither. They took away offerings made to Shiva, which was considered extremely degrading. He does not give importance to this possibility probably because, as he goes on to state, “what is sought here is a universal formula, a rule without exceptions” (ibid.). It is one of several official classifications of the population of India, along with General Class, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs). The population of certain first-order divisions lived mainly in villages. While some hypergamous and hierarchical tendency, however weak, did exist between tads within an ekda and between ekdas within a second- order division, it was practically non-existent among the forty or so second-order divisions, such as Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, Khadayata and so on, among the Vanias. This has helped them to successfully emigrate and thrive around the world. Any one small caste may look insignificant in itself but all small castes put together become a large social block and a significant social phenomenon. Once the claim was accepted at either level, hypergamous marriage was possible. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-order and fourth-order divisions. In the second-order divisions of the Leva Kanbis, the Anavils and the Khedawals, while the hypergamous tendency was strong, attempts were continually made to form small endogamous units: although the strength of the hypergamous tendency did not allow these units to function effectively, they nevertheless checked its free play to some extent. The Rajput’s in Radhvanaj, the village I have studied in central Gujarat, had no great difficulty in establishing their claim to being Rajput’s: they owned substantial amounts of land under a traditional Rajput tenure, dominated village politics and possessed certain other traditional Rajput symbols. The Brahmans were divided into such divisions as Audich, Bhargav, Disawal, Khadayata, Khedawal, Mewada, Modh, Nagar, Shrigaud, Shrimali, Valam, Vayada, and Zarola. After the commercial revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries, Gujarat had a large number of tradition towns on its long sea-coast. Today, there are two kinds of Koli areas. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its urban form or variant. The Suthar community is mostly involved in the field of carpentry. This stratum among the Kanbis coped with the problem mainly by practising remarriage of widows and divorced women. TOS 7. I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. Gujarati migrations to the nearby metropolis of Bombay the first new centre of administration, industry, commerce, education, and western culture, followed the same links. This was because political authorities were hierarchized from little kingdom to empire and the boundaries of political authorities kept changing. Dalits and tribal peoples are outside of the caste system. (Frequently, such models are constructed a priori rather than based on historical evidence, but that is another story). Modi has an occupational origin, and refers to those who came from the community of ‘Bania,’ which originally consisted of merchants, traders, money-lenders, and shopkeepers. The urban centres in both the areas, it is hardly necessary to mention, are nucleated settlements populated by numerous caste and religious groups. A few examples are: Brahman (priest), Vania (trader), Rajput (warrior and ruler), Kanbi (peasant), Koli (peasant), Kathi (peasant), Soni goldsmith), Suthar (carpenter), Valand (barber), Chamar (leatherworker), Dhed (weaver) and Bhangi (scavenger). Asking different questions and using different methods are necessary. There was apparently a close relation between a caste’s internal organization and the size and spatial distribution of its population. Bougie’s ‘repulsion’) rather than on hierarchy was a feature of caste in certain contexts and situations in traditional India, and increasing emphasis on division in urban Indian in modern times is an accentuation of what existed in the past. That Rajput’s were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. This meant that he could marry a girl of any subdivision within the Vania division. Shroff is derived from ‘seraf,’ a Gujarati word that means banker, cashier, or a money-lender. The point is that there was nothing like the endogamous unit but there were only several units of various orders with defined roles in endogamy. The village was a small community divided into a relatively small number of castes; the population of each caste was also small, sometimes only one or two households, with little possibility of existence of subdivisions; and there were intensive relationships of various kinds between the castes. The number of tads in an ekda or go I might be two or more, and each of them might be an endogamous units. These coastal towns were involved in trade among themselves, with other towns on the rest of the Indian sea coast, and with many foreign lands. The essential idea in the category was power, and anybody who wielded power—either as king or as dominant group in a rural (even tribal) area—could claim to be Rajput. In most parts of Gujarat it merged into the various second-order divisions of the Koli division and possible also into the widespread tribe of Bhils. Most of them were, true to their name, rulers at various levels of the political hierarchy from the kingly level to the level of dominant caste in many villages. In spite of them, however, sociologists and social anthropologists have not filled adequately the void left by the disappearance of caste from the census and the gazetteer. For example, among the Vanias the most general rule was that a marriage of a boy could be arranged with any girl who was bhane khapati, i.e., with whom he was permitted to have commensal relations (roti vyavahar). These divisions have, however, been kept out of the present analysis for reasons which have become well known to students of Hindu society since the 1950s. to which the divisions of the marrying couple belong. We will now analyze the internal structure of a few first-order divisions, each of which was split into divisions going down to the fourth order. The surname Chowdhury is likely a title of honor bestowed by a king to a warrior or a nobleman. But there was also another process. Typically, a village consists of the sections of various castes, ranging from those with just one household to those with over u hundred. While certain first-order divisions were found mainly in towns, the population of certain other first-order divisions was dispersed in villages as well as in towns, the population of the rural and the urban sections differing from one division to another. They were involved in agriculture in one way or another. The degree of contravention is highest if the couple belong to two different first-order divisions. If the Patels are divided according to 'marriage circle', the Baniyas and Brahmins of Gujarat are divided into sub-castes and sub-sub castes. Rawal/Raval originates from the Sanskrit word ‘Raja,’ meaning king. Kanyakubja, Suryupari and Gaur Brahmins are examples of castes, and Shrimali, Purohit and Pushkarna Brahmins are examples of sub-castes, while Bhardwaj, Gautam and Kashyap Brahmins are examples of gotras. In some other cases, mainly of urban artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, such as Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Chudgars (bangle-makers) and Vahivanchas genealogists and mythographers), the small populations were so small and confined to so few towns that they had few subdivisions and the boundaries of their horizontal units were fairly easy to define. Moreover, the king himself belonged to some caste (not just to the Kshatriya Varna) and frequently a number of kings belonged to the same caste (e.g., Rajput). In the case of some of them the small population was so dispersed that a division such as that of barbers, blacksmiths, or carpenters, would be represented by only one or two households in each village and by a significant number of households in towns. A recent tendency in sociological literature is to consider jatis as castes. “It is not claimed that separation, or even ‘repulsion’, may not be present somewhere as an independent factor” (1972: 346,n.55b). Plagiarism Prevention 4. All associations originated in large towns, are more active in towns than in villages, and are led by prominent members in towns. If the Varna divisions are taken into account, then this would add one more order to the four orders of caste divisions considered above. We shall return to this issue later. Gujarati surnames often trace their roots to native Gujarati words or words from Sanskrit. The pattern of inter-divisional marriages shows how the idea of free marriage, which guides most of the “inter-caste” marriages, is restricted, modified, and graded according to the traditional structure of caste divisions. Usually, the latter were distinguished from one another by prohibition. Kothari derives its name from the words ‘Kotha’ or ‘Kothar,’ which means treasury or godown. ), as contrasted with the horizontal unity of the caste. It is easy to understand that the pattern of change would be different in those first-order divisions (such as Rajput) or second-order divisions (such as Leva Kanbi) which did not have within them subdivisions of lower orders and which practised hypergamy extensively. The lowest stratum among the Khedawals tried to cope with the problem of scarcity of brides mainly by practising ignominious ‘exchange marriage’ and by restricting marriage of sons in a family to the younger sons, if not to only the youngest. The Anavil, numbering 30,000 to 40,000 in 1931, were found mainly in south Gujarat. For describing the divisions of the remaining two orders, it would be necessary to go on adding the prefix ‘sub’ but this would make the description extremely clumsy, if not meaningless.
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